



PKHSKNTlil) BY 



HOW 
WE ROBBED MEXICO 

IN 1848 

By ROBERT H. HOWE 



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Cathedral in Tepozotlan, Mexico. 



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HERE is one page of our own history that our historians 
pass over lightly and to which America cannot point 
with any feeling of pride, but only with shame and 
disgrace. I refer to the Mexican war. When the causes 
and results of that war are studied it can be readily under- 
stood why the Mexicans hate us and why the rest of the 
South American republics view us with suspicion. 

Prior to the Mexican war the Nation was divided over 
the question of chattel slavery. That form of property had 
been al^olished north of the Ohio river and Mason and 
Dixon line, but altho the South was still in the saddle, it 
felt that its seat was by no means secure. At that time the 
Nation consisted of 28 states, 14 of them free and 14 slave. 
States were admitted to the Union practically in pairs— one 
free and one slave state being admitted at the same time. 
This kept the United States Senate equally divided. But 
the more rapid growth of the population in the free states 
of the north threatened the political supremacy of the slave 
holding power. Wisconsin was applying for admission, and 
further west Minnesota, Dakota, Kansas and Nebraska 
loomed up as future free states. Louisiana, admitted in 
1812, was the western limit of slave territory. Beyond 
Louisiana lay Mexico. Adventurers not only permitted, but 
encouraged by the slave power, entered Mexico and joined 
in a revolt against Mexico, and Texas was declared an in- 
dependent state. Negotations were immediately begun, 
looking to the annexation of Texas with the intention of 
dividing it into four states, and thus securing the South with 
a new lease of power. 

Upon its admission a conflict with Mexico arose over its 
western boundaiy — Mexico claimed that the Nueces river 
was the dividing line, while the United States claimed the 
territory to the Rio Grande. This left a strip about 150 
miles wide as debatable ground. Here was a question that 
could easily have been settled by diplomacy and a treaty 
drawn up and the War of 1848 prevented. But the Ameri- 
can army invaded the disputed territory and was met by 
resistance by the Mexicans- -a number were killed and 
wounded and the rest compelled to surrender. The war 



spirit always lying dormant in some people was lashed into 
a frenzy by such public declarations as "Our country has 
been invaded," "American blood has been spilled on Amer- 
ican soil," all of which sounds strangely familiar to us 
today. 

•General U. S. Grant was a soldier in the army at this time 
and it is pertinent at this point to quote the following ex- 
tracts from his Personal Memoirs : 

"There was no intimation that the removal of the troops 
to the border of Louisiana was occasioned in any way by 
the prospective annexation of TexftS, but it was generally 
understood that such was the case. Ostensibly we were in- 
tended to prevent filibastering into Texas, but really as a 
menace to Mexico. . . . And to this day I regard the war 
which resulted as one of the most unjust ever waged by a 
stronger against a weaker nation. It was an instance of a 
republic following the bad example of European mon- 
archies." (Vol. 1, Chapterlll, page 53.) . 

"The same people who, with permission of Mexico, had 
colonized Texas, and afterwards set up slavery there, and 
then seceded as soon as they felt strong enough to do so, 
offered themselves and the state to the United States, and in 
1845 the offer was accepted. The occupation, separation and 
annexation were, from the inception of the movement to 
its final consummation, a conspiracy to acquire territory 
out of which slave stcdes may be formed for the American 
Union. Even if the annexation itself could be justified, the 
manner in which the subsequent war was forced upon Mexico 
cannot." 

"The southern rebellion was largely the outgrowth of the 
Mexican war. Ncdions, like individuals, are punished for 
their transgressions. We got our punishment in the most 
sanguinary and expensive war of modern times." (Vol. 1, 
Chapter III, pages 54-56.) 

"The presence of United States troops on the edge of the 
disputed territory furthest from the Mexican settlements 
was not sufficient to provoke hostilities. We were sent to 
provoke a fight, but it was essential that Mexico should com- 
mence it. It was very doubtful whether congress would de- 
clare war, but if Mexico should attack our troops, the ex- 



ecutive could announce: 'Whereas war exists, by the acts, 
etc' and prosecute the contest with vigor." Vol. 1, Chapter 
IV., page 68.) 

War was declared and it ended in the complete defeat of 
Mexico. And then the greed that incited the war gained full 
sway. The 150 miles of debatable ground, the dispute over 
which brought on the war, was lost sight of. Mexico, de- 
feated and helpless, was forced to sign a treaty giving to the 
United States not only all of Texas, which in itself is as 
large as the whole German empire and New England to- 
gether, but in addition, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, New Mex- 
ico, Arizona and California. Is it any wonder that the Mexi- 
cans hate us and call us "Pigs?" 

In the present agitation in America for the invasion of 
Mexico, ostensibly for the purpose of establishing order or 
punishing a bandit for an invasion which it has been de- 
clared on the floor of the United States Senate was organized 
and financed by Americans, they see a cleverly planned 
scheme of financiers to force intervention and they know 
that once the army and the flag were in Mexico they would 
remain permanently. They see that unless this is resisted 
to the death, the ultimate fate of Mexico is to be absorbed 
by the colossus of the North and her independence as a na- 
tion destroyed. 

There is abundant proof that their fears are well grounded 
by the record of events that have recently occurred in Cen- 
tral America and the West Indies. Some years ago Nica- 
ragua borrowed $3,000,000 from J. P. Morgan & Co. of New 
York. A revolution broke out and this was urged as an ex- 
cuse to land the marines from American warships to protect 
American interests. They are still there. America has es- 
tablished a protectorate over that country and the present 
congress has ratified a treaty and appropriated $3,000,000 for 
the exclusive right to the Nicaraguan canal route from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific, and it further stipulates that the 
money shall be used to pay its foreign debt under the advice 
and supervision of the Secretary of Treasury of the United 
States. 

This is an example of \\rhat is known as "dollar diplo- 
macy." First get a nation into debt and the rest is easy. 



United States troops are also in possession of the Repub- 
lics of Hayti and also of Santo Domingo under precisely 
similar conditions. The troops were landed and took pos- 
session of the Custom Houses; in other words, of the Na- 
tion's finances. Representatives of the United States are at 
the elbow of the native officials, dictating the expenditures 
and in general telling what may and may not be done. 

Porto Rico is the absolute property of the United States. 
Cuba is dominated by the American tobacco and sugar trusts 
and cannot make any treaty without the consent of the 
United States government. 

The Panama Canal strip was seized as the result of a plot 
formulated in Washington and of which President Roose- 
velt was fully advised — American warships were in the har- 
bor when the so-called revolution was sprung, A provi- 
sional government was organized and immediately recog- 
nized by the powers at Washington; a treaty already drawn 
up was hastily adopted and accepted by Washington; the 
troops were landed and took possession of the ten-mile 
canal strip, and when the navy of Columbia, which consisted 
of one small gunboat, arrived, it was confronted with the 
American fleet and was helpless. All this was done within 
the space of forty-eight hours. 

And this dastardly piece of land piracy was endorsed by 
all the governments of Europe — Kaiser Wilhelm personally 
congratulated President Roosevelt. Ten million dollars was 
loaned by J. P. Morgan & Co. to the Republic of Panama and 
the bonds are guaranteed by the United States. 

In 1848 the dominant economic class was represented by 
the slave-owning, cotton-growing element in the South. They 
sent troops to the border of Mexico with the sole purpose 
of fomenting trouble so as to have some valid excuse for the 
invasion of Mexico. They succeeded and took from Mexico 
one-half of her territory. 

The dominant economic class today is represented by 
Banking, Railroad, Oil, Mining and other interests and they 
are playing the same game that the exploiters of chattel 
slaves played in 1848. To prove this is an easy matter, all one 
has to do is to read a few extracts from the current press. 



From the Chicago Tribune, June 24, 1916: 
INTERVENTION GROWS IN FAVOR. 



Members of Congress Fear It Is Inevitable 
— Favor Annexing a Part. 

* * * 

It also transpires that many senators and representatives 
who advocate immediate intervention also favor annexing 
the northern portion of the republic as compensation for the 
cost of the undertaking, . . . 

Typical expressions of opinion follow : 

Representative Rainey — Events of the week seem to make 
it clear that there is no way of escaping intervention in Mex- 
ico. We have striven and striven to get along with our 
neighbor, but it seems impossible. We have on our south- 
ern border the longest boundary in existence between a civi- 
lized and a semi-civilized nation. To police it properly 
would require over 2,000,000 men, I favor taking over the 
northern tier of Mexican states. 

Representative Sabath — I hope it will not be necessary to 
intervene, but if we do and are forced to lose the lives of a 
number of men, we should annex the country either wholly 
or in part. 

Should Do a Good Job. 

Representative Rritten — If it becomes necessary to go into 
Mexico, we should make a complete job of it by annexing 
the northern tier of Mexican states. 

Representative Denison— If it turns out that our troops 
were treated treacherously we should not hesitate to inter- 
vene. We should go southward, taking the border with us. 
We should either do this or receive a large indemnity. 

On June 24, 1916, the Chicago American printed a cartoon 
that pictured in the most brazen way what the capitalist 
intended to do, and followed it later with an editorial from 
which the following extracts are taken: 

"Nothing worth wHiile will be accomplished by occasional 
'punitive expeditions.' "... 



"The way to IMPRESS the Mexicans is to REPRESS the 
Mexicans. The way to hegin is to say to them : . . . 

"We are no longer planning to catch this bandit or that. 
We are GOING INTO MEXICO. And as far as we GO, 
we'll stay." . . . 

"When you see an American soldier one hundred feet 
inside of Mexico, you may take it to mean that ONE HUN- 
DRED FEET ARE NO LONGER MEXICAN, BUT UNITED 
STATES. 

"If you make it necessary for our soldiers to go in two 
hundred MILES, you can change your geographies and add 
two hundred miles to the United States. 

"In this way we hope to make you realize that it is not 
wise to make us go in TOO FAR." . . . 

"The United States OUGHT to make one single bit of the 
cherry, go down all the way, and civilize everything between 
the Rio Grande and the Panama Canal. 

"The right kind of American enthusiasm will eventually 
DO THAT." 

March 24, 1916, Senator James Hamilton Lewis introduced 
the following resolution in the Senate, recounting the fact 
that Villa, the "bandit," was notoriously receiving support 
of both munitions and money from Americans. 

"The text of the Lewis "treason" resolution follows: 

Whereas, It is known to the authorities of the United 
States that funds and supplies are being furnished to the 
force and following of Villa in Mexico from foreign coun- 
tries, and from sources in the United States of America, and 

Whereas, Such supplies and sustenance are being delivered 
for the purpose of being used against the soldiers of the 
United States and to oppose the authority of the United 
States; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That those who are furnishing supplies and sus- 
tenance to the force of Villa for the purpose of opposing the 
United States are the enemies of the United States, and those 
in the United States who are furnishing supplies and susten- 
ance to the said Villa forces, either of money or provisions. 



arms and ammunition, are witliin the provision of the laws 
of the United States defining treason as giving aid and com- 
fort to the enemies of tlie United States." . . . 

"I shall push my resolution vigorously," said Mr. Lewis, 
after the splutter of Mexican deliate it had caused, died away. 
"I may call it up Saturday. The administration is in pos- 
session of means of information as to the identit}'^ of the 
persons or corporations who have been assisting this mur- 
derous Mexican bandit for the sake of filthy money or dirtier 
politics." 

"The nation would be amazed to learn the names of some 
of the men of national repute who are mixed up in the in- 
trigue against national peace. Many of them are noisy 
champions of the campaign foi' preparedness." 




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